The Winter 2012 issue of my own Journal of Economic Perspectives is now up on the web. Courtesy of the American Economic Association, this issue and indeed back issues of the journal all the way back through 1994 are freely available on the web. I'll be blogging about some of these papers over the next week or so, but for now, here's the table of contents and and abstract for each article. 
Symposium: Energy Challenges
"Is There an Energy Efficiency Gap?" by  Hunt Allcott and Michael Greenstone
Many  analysts of the energy industry have long believed that energy  efficiency offers an enormous "win-win" opportunity: through aggressive  energy conservation policies, we can both save money and reduce negative  externalities associated with energy use. In 1979, Daniel Yergin and  the Harvard Business School Energy Project estimated that the United  States could consume 30 or 40 percent less energy without reducing  welfare. The central economic question around energy efficiency is  whether there are investment inefficiencies that a policy could correct.  First, we examine choices made by consumers and firms, testing whether  they fail to make investments in energy efficiency that would increase  utility or profits. Second, we focus on specific types of investment  inefficiencies, testing for evidence consistent with each. Three key  conclusions arise: First, the evidence presented in the long literature  on the subject frequently does not meet modern standards for  credibility. Second, when one tallies up the available empirical  evidence from different contexts, it is difficult to substantiate claims  of a pervasive Energy Efficiency Gap. Third, it is crucial that  policies be targeted. Welfare gains will be larger from a policy that preferentially affects  the decisions of those consumers subject to investment inefficiencies.
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"Creating a Smarter U.S. Electricity Grid," by Paul L.  Joskow
This  paper focuses on efforts to build what policymakers call the "smart  grid," involving 1) improved remote monitoring and automatic and remote  control of facilities in high-voltage electricity transmission networks;  2) improved remote monitoring, two-way communications, and automatic  and remote control of local distribution networks; and 3) installation  of "smart" metering and associated communications capabilities on  customer premises so that customers can receive real-time price  information and/or take advantage of opportunities to contract with  their retail supplier to manage the consumer's electricity demands  remotely in response to wholesale prices and network congestion. I  examine the opportunities, challenges, and uncertainties associated with  investments in "smart grid" technologies. I discuss some basic  electricity supply and demand, pricing, and physical network attributes  that are critical for understanding the opportunities and challenges  associated with expanding deployment of smart grid technologies. Then I  cover issues associated with the deployment of these technologies at the  high voltage transmission, local distribution, and end-use metering  levels. 
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"Prospects for Nuclear Power," by Lucas W.  Davis
Nuclear  power has long been controversial because of concerns about nuclear  accidents, storage of spent fuel, and how the spread of nuclear power  might raise risks of the proliferation of nuclear weapons. These  concerns are real and important. However, emphasizing these concerns  implicitly suggests that unless these issues are taken into account,  nuclear power would otherwise be cost effective compared to other forms  of electricity generation. This implication is unwarranted. Throughout  the history of nuclear power, a key challenge has been the high cost of  construction for nuclear plants. Construction costs are high enough that  it becomes difficult to make an economic argument for nuclear even  before incorporating these external factors. This is particularly true  in countries like the United States where recent technological advances  have dramatically increased the availability of natural gas. The  chairman of one of the largest U.S. nuclear companies recently said that  his company would not break ground on a new nuclear plant until the  price of natural gas was more than double today's level and carbon  emissions cost $25 per ton. This comment summarizes the current  economics of nuclear power pretty well. Yes, there is a certain  confluence of factors that could make nuclear power a viable economic  option. Otherwise, a nuclear power renaissance seems unlikely.
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"The Private and Public Economics of Renewable Electricity Generation," by Severin  Borenstein
Generating  electricity from renewable sources is more expensive than conventional  approaches but reduces pollution externalities.  Analyzing the tradeoff  is much more challenging than often presumed because the value of  electricity is extremely dependent on the time and location at which it  is produced, which is not very controllable with some renewables, such  as wind and solar. Likewise, the pollution benefits from renewable  generation depend on what type of generation it displaces, which also  depends on time and location. Without incorporating these factors,  cost-benefit analyses of alternatives are likely to be misleading. Other  common arguments for subsidizing renewable power—green jobs, energy  security, and driving down fossil energy prices—are unlikely to  substantially alter the analysis. The role of intellectual property  spillovers is a strong argument for subsidizing energy science research,  but less persuasive as an enhancement to the value of installing  current renewable energy technologies.
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"Reducing Petroleum Consumption from Transportation," by Christopher R.  Knittel
The  United States consumes more petroleum-based liquid fuel per capita than  any other OECD high-income country—30 percent more than the  second-highest country (Canada) and 40 percent more than the  third-highest (Luxembourg). The transportation sector accounts for 70  percent of U.S. oil consumption and 30 percent of U.S. greenhouse gas  emissions. Taking the externalities associated with high U.S. gasoline  consumption as largely given, I focus on understanding the policy tools  that seek to reduce this consumption. I consider four main channels  through which reductions in U.S. oil consumption might take place: 1)  increased fuel economy of existing vehicles, 2) increased use of  non-petroleum-based, low-carbon fuels, 3) alternatives to the internal  combustion engine, and 4) reduced vehicle miles traveled. I then discuss  how these policies for reducing petroleum consumption compare with the  standard economics prescription for using a Pigouvian tax to deal with  externalities. Taking into account that energy taxes are a political hot  button in the United States, and also considering some evidence that  consumers may not "correctly" value fuel economy, I offer some thoughts  about the margins on which policy aimed at reducing petroleum  consumption might usefully proceed.
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"How Will Energy Demand Develop in the Developing World?" by Catherine Wolfram, Orie Shelef and Paul Gertler
Over  the next 25 to 30 years, nearly all of the growth in energy demand,  fossil fuel use, associated local pollution, and greenhouse gas  emissions is forecast to come from the developing world. This paper  argues that the world's poor and near-poor will play a major role in  driving medium-run growth in energy consumption. As the world economy  expands and poor households' incomes rise, they are likely to get  connected to the electricity grid, gain access to good roads, and  purchase energy-using assets like appliances and vehicles for the first  time. We argue that the current forecasts for energy demand in the  developing world may be understated because they do not accurately  capture growth in demand along the extensive margin, as low-income  households buy their first durable appliances and vehicles. Within a  country, the adoption of energy-using assets typically follows an  S-shaped pattern: among the very poor, we see little increase in the  number of households owning refrigerators, vehicles, air conditioners,  and other assets as incomes go up; above a first threshold income level,  we see rapid increases of ownership with income; and above a second  threshold, increases in ownership level off. A large share of the  world's population has yet to go through the first transition,  suggesting there is likely to be a large increase in the demand for  energy in the coming years.
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Symposium: Higher Education
"The For-Profit Postsecondary School Sector: Nimble Critters or Agile Predators?" by David J. Deming, Claudia Goldin and Lawrence F. Katz
Private  for-profit institutions have been the fastest-growing part of the U.S.  higher education sector.  For-profit enrollment increased from 0.2  percent to 9.1 percent of total enrollment in degree-granting schools  from 1970 to 2009, and for-profit institutions account for the majority  of enrollments in non-degree-granting postsecondary schools. We describe  the schools, students, and programs in the for-profit higher education  sector, its phenomenal recent growth, and its relationship to the  federal and state governments. Using the 2004 to 2009 Beginning  Postsecondary Students (BPS) longitudinal survey, we assess outcomes of a  recent cohort of first-time undergraduates who attended for-profits  relative to comparable students who attended community colleges or other  public or private non-profit institutions. We find that relative to  these other institutions, for-profits educate a larger fraction of  minority, disadvantaged, and older students, and they have greater  success at retaining students in their first year and getting them to  complete short programs at the certificate and AA levels. But we also  find that for-profit students end up with higher unemployment and  "idleness" rates and lower earnings six years after entering programs  than do comparable students from other schools and that, not  surprisingly, they have far greater default rates on their loans.
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"Student Loans: Do College Students Borrow Too Much--Or Not Enough?" by Christopher Avery and Sarah Turner
Total  student loan debt rose to over $800 billion in June 2010, overtaking  total credit card debt outstanding for the first time. By the time this  article sees print, the continually updated Student Loan Debt Clock will  show an accumulated total of roughly $1 trillion. Borrowing to finance  educational expenditures has been increasing—more than quadrupling in  real dollars since the early 1990s. The sheer magnitude of these figures  has led to increased public commentary on the level of student  borrowing. We move the discussion of student loans away from anecdote by  establishing a framework for considering the use of student loans in  the optimal financing of collegiate investments. From a financial  perspective, enrolling in college is equivalent to signing up for a  lottery with large expected gains—indeed, the figures presented here  suggest that college is, on average, a better investment today than it  was a generation ago—but it is also a lottery with significant  probabilities of both larger positive, and smaller or even negative,  returns. We look to available—albeit limited—evidence to assess which  types of students are likely to be borrowing too much or too little.
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"American Higher Education in Transition," by Ronald G.  Ehrenberg
American  higher education is in transition along many dimensions: tuition  levels, faculty composition, expenditure allocation, pedagogy,  technology, and more. During the last three decades, at private  four-year academic institutions, undergraduate tuition levels increased  each year on average by 3.5 percent more than the rate of inflation; the  comparable increases for public four-year and public two-year  institutions were 5.1 percent and 3.5 percent, respectively. Academic  institutions have also changed how they allocate their resources. The  percentage of faculty nationwide that is full-time has declined, and the  vast majority of part-time faculty members do not have Ph.D.s. The  share of institutional expenditures going to faculty salaries and  benefits in both public and private institutions has fallen relative to  the share going to nonfaculty uses like student services, academic  support, and institutional support. There are changing modes of  instruction, together with different uses of technology, as institutions  reexamine the prevailing "lecture/discussion" format. A number of  schools are charging differential tuition across students. This paper  discusses these various changes, how they are distributed across higher  education sectors, and their implications. I conclude with some  speculations about the future of American education.
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Articles
"Compensation for State and Local Government Workers," Maury Gittleman and Brooks Pierce
Are  state and local government workers overcompensated? In this paper, we  step back from the highly charged rhetoric and address this question  with the two primary data sources for looking at compensation of state  and local government workers: the Current Population Survey conducted by  the Bureau of the Census for the Bureau of Labor Statistics, and the  Employer Costs for Employee Compensation microdata collected as part of  the National Compensation Survey of the Bureau of Labor Statistics. In  both data sets, the workers being hired in the public sector have higher  skill levels than those in the private sector, so the challenge is to  compare across sectors in a way that adjusts suitably for this  difference. After controlling for skill differences and incorporating  employer costs for benefits packages, we find that, on average, public  sector workers in state government have compensation costs 3-10 percent  greater than those for workers in the private sector, while in local  government the gap is 10-19 percent. We caution that this finding is  somewhat dependent on the chosen sample and specification, that averages  can obscure broader differences in distributions, and that a host of  worker and job attributes are not available to us in these data.  Nonetheless, the data suggest that public sector workers, especially  local government ones, on average, receive greater remuneration than  observably similar private sector workers. Overturning this result would  require, we think, strong arguments for particular model  specifications, or different data.
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"Recommendations for Further Reading," by Timothy  Taylor
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